Al Austin

Al Austin is asking voters for another four years. The two-time incumbent was first elected in 2012, and his pitch to voters leans into the accomplishments he’s pulled off during his tenure: his collaboration with the business sector, the expansion of park space and community programing, and his experience in capturing public safety and infrastructure dollars for the district, resulting in projects like the resurfacing of Market Street and Del Amo Boulevard.

Austin credits a “get to yes” approach with helping new businesses in the district attain the necessary permits, proudly “eliminating red tape and barriers for new businesses to get started,” which he says has helped revitalize the district’s commercial corridors. 

He’s quick to mention the 40 acres of new greenspace set in motion during his time in office. Molina Park, in the district’s Sutter neighborhood, opened in 2018. A new dog park, formerly a dump site, was added to Jackson Park. The second phase of the “Pops” Davenport Park expansion project is underway, and will grow the park to 11.5 acres in what’s currently a park-poor area of the district. Austin also recently helped secure a grant from the Port of Long Beach to develop the 51st Street Greenbelt. 

“There was a definite need (for more park space), and I think we’ve been able to deliver on much of that. There’s still work to do and this is why I’m continuing to run for a final term,” Austin said while enjoying a breakfast pancakes (with sugar-free syrup) and a hotlink. 

Netting funds for parks is well within Austin’s wheelhouse, dating back to his days as a field deputy for former State Sen. Kevin Murray, who created a program that provides grants for park-poor and low-income communities.

To the ire of some on the left in the city, and to the relief of anti-tax homeowners, Austin voted against exploring a housing bond early this year that would have funded affordable housing and homeless initiatives through a parcel tax. Austin argues that other revenue sources should be examined before levying a new tax.

Critics of the vote, including one of his opponents, Tunua Thrash-Ntuk, have said without the city putting up and leveraging its own money, other funding sources for affordable housing are not attainable.

The 51-year-old incumbent took an active role in the creation of both the city’s Ethics and Citizen Redistricting commissions, and touts his commitment to a culture of good governance.

He’s received endorsements from the powerful Long Beach Police Officers and Firefighters associations, as well as elected officials like Mayor Robert Garcia, Los Angeles County Supervisor Janice Hahn, Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon, and fellow councilmembers Stacy Mungo, Daryl Supernaw, Dee Andrews, and Suzie Price. 

However, the Service Employees International Union—once a formidable ally of Austin’s—has done an about-face, pumping money into a PAC backing an opponent’s campaign. Why?

In 2017, Austin voted against an ordinance that would have placed workload restrictions on hospitality workers and mandated that housekeepers have access to panic button devices to protect against harassment and assault. Supporters argued this was a vital protection for workers undervalued in a lucrative and growing industry that receives tax breaks from the city. Opponents of the ordinance said it was an attempt by labor unions to coerce hoteliers into unionizing (unionized hotels and hotels with less than 100 rooms were exempt from the ordinance).

Austin stands by his vote, concerned that workload requirements would have disadvantaged Long Beach in the regional hotel market, he argues that workload restrictions are better suited for statewide legislation. 

The Hospitality and Workload Safety Ordinance was eventually passed by Long Beach voters in the form of Measure WW in 2018. One of the organizers who campaigned for the measure is his rival Thrash-Ntuk, who has become the beneficiary of SEIU’s backing.

Austin’s critics, including Councilmember Jeannine Pearce, a surrogate for Thrash-Ntuk, implied at an endorsement meeting held by Our Revolution, Long Beach that his opposition to the hotel workers ordinance is linked to backing he’s received from the hotel industry.

If independent expenditures are anything to go by, it seems that Austin has indeed gained the good graces of the hotel industry. A look at campaign finance disclosure forms show that in 2016, Long Beach Hotel Properties, LLC (which owns The Hotel Maya and a Doubletree by Hilton) gave $10,000 to a PAC supporting Austin’s opponent Wesley Turnbow. This time around, they’ve given $15,000 to a PAC supporting Austin’s re-election.

Austin has also faced criticism for actions outside his voting record.

An op-ed was published earlier this year by the group Women of Long Beach, which accuses Austin of “sexism” and “bullying” behavior, stemming from panic buttons he allegedly gave as a Christmas gift to female councilmembers (though not the male ones, who got cigars and small bottles of alcohol, according to a Long Beach Post report that featured his response). Austin claims the gifts were meant sincerely, while the authors believe it was a mean-spirited gag that made light of sexual assault. Austin was also called out in the letter for hiring former labor organizer Julio Perez, who had been fired for sexual harassment, to be a consultant for his reelection campaign. Austin acknowledged knowing Perez since 2010 but denied prior knowledge of his firing. 

The letter was signed by several organizers for Measure WW, including Pearce and Pacific Shore National Organization for Women President Zoe Nicholson.

Austin has held on to support from some labor unions, including the The International Longshore and Warehouse Union, which represents dock workers at the Port of Long Beach; the United Automobile Workers; and his current employer, the American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees. It was UAW that gave Austin his first entry into the city’s political scene, working there in multiple capacities and also working alongside the campaigns of Long Beach Mayor Beverly O’Neill and Councilmember Jenny Oropeza.

“I had this burning passion to fight for middle-class jobs,” said Austin. “That has really been my clarion call for as long as I can remember.” 

Questions

Why are you running for reelection?

We’ve been able to achieve a great deal of success over the last eight years. We’ve got great momentum and good synergy in our community. There’s opportunity for new investment. But there’s a number of projects that I’ve initiated that I want to see done right. I’m committed to getting these projects done. I’ve proven deliverability on quality of life, public safety, and equity throughout our district.

One of the issues you’ve talked about throughout your time on the council is commercial vacancy. And in May of last year, you directed city staff to explore the feasibility of levying a tax on vacant commercial properties. What’s the status of that currently?

We received a memo from our economic development team. They continue to work with our Economic Development Commission to explore that issue. I’m so glad I brought that forward. because prior to that there was no conversation about commercial vacancies.

What have you learned thus far and where are you at on the issue?

We’ve learned that it’s a very complicated issue. It’s been influenced by e-commerce, as well as absentee landlords, and everything in between. And so there’s no panacea to address the issue. It’s going to take a lot of work on behalf of our Economic Development Department.

This is an issue that impacts, not just the Eighth District, but every district in the city. They are being creative, coming up with creative, innovative solutions to recommend to the council. But I’m not sure that there’s a real interest for a tax necessarily. But me bringing that forward has opened all kinds of doors and possibilities for our city to help commercial property owners, but also engage them a little bit more to the possibilities for what they can use their spaces for. So there’s gonna be some recommendations coming forward and we will be having this conversation a lot more in the coming months.

The city’s own research shows that the climate crisis will pose a significant threat to Long Beach in the coming decades, whether it be by rising sea level on the coast or by heat islands inland. What have you done as a councilmember to mitigate these effects, and what do you look forward to doing if you are reelected?

Beyond the development of green space and planting over 1,000 trees during my tenure on the council, I certainly supported the very progressive ideas regarding banning styrofoam. I mean, I’m always gonna ask the tough questions. Plastic straws and reusable plastics, I think we need to do our part in that regard. And I sat on the Lower Los Angeles River Task Force to work with other cities to examine how we can get the greatest benefit out of the lower LA River. I worked on the Gateway Cities Council of Governments with other other cities. I think it’s very important that we have those relationships so we can inspire the policies that we put forward in our city, all the way upstream. It doesn’t really make sense for us to do this alone. It has to be a regional approach. I want to use my relationships with other city council members and mayors in other cities that impact Long Beach to inspire policies in their (cities).

In 2015, 13.3 million barrels of crude oil were extracted in Long Beach. This oil is in the top fifth in regards to carbon intensity throughout its life-cycle compared to other oils around the world, meaning from extraction to burning, it is quite dirty, according to the city’s draft Climate Action and Adaptation Plan. Do you believe fossil fuel extraction should be phased out in the city, and if so, how soon?

I think naturally that will happen. As you know, policies are generated from Sacramento as well as on the local level. We’re going to reduce our dependence on fossil fuel through technology and our efforts to become greener as a society. So I feel by nature, some of that is going to happen. I think you’re going to see it more visible over the next 10 to 20 years. There’s some aggressive goals that have been put in place. 2030 is a benchmark year; I’d like to see where we are there. But I certainly think we’re headed in the right direction. Our ports are attracting cleaner, more efficient trucks. Near zero to zero emissions from our port will help air quality but also reduce dependency on fossil fuel locally. But there’s only so much we can do locally in terms of our initiatives. 

Do you think money is a problem in Long Beach politics?

That’s subjective, it’s open ended. 

I think our campaign finance laws are as aggressive as they can be. Which opens the door for independent expenditures, but also influences from outside of Long Beach. This is a race where you’re going to see a lot of money spent from a candidate who was (basically) running for city council in Los Angeles for the last four or five years. And now all that money and those commitments are transferred to an individual running for city council in Long Beach. The intent is to minimize the money in Long Beach, I think, from individuals who live in Long Beach and care about Long Beach and are invested in Long Beach. I think it’s working. But it doesn’t stop anybody from coming from outside of Long Beach and bringing a whole lot of money with them.

So it’s not a perfect system in any way. Our campaign finance limits are super low. Politicians, elected officials in Long Beach are held accountable. It’s transparent. I’ve been very responsible with my officeholder account. It’s been about community. It’s been about the Eighth District. I can’t say everybody else has.

Our campaign finance limits are pretty restrictive: $400 in a large city as a maximum contribution is really unheard of anywhere else. It’s very difficult to raise money in a city unless we go to complete public financing of elections, which I’m not sure that the voters here would support. There’s just no way to get around fundraising and campaign finance here in this city. The $400 limit, like I said, is extremely, extremely restrictive. There’s nobody that has any sort of undue influence on City Council. I’ve been very deliberate in terms of how I raise my money. Again, it’s broad, it’s reflective of Long Beach for the most part. Yes there are corporate interests here. There are many folks in the community who support me. There’s unions that support me. In my opinion, everybody should have a voice in the process. Nobody should have an undue amount of influence in the process.

In 2017, you voted against allowing funds from officeholder accounts to be transferred to other political campaigns. Can you explain your reasoning behind that vote?

I didn’t think there was enough community discussion on that. I think it was done in a kind rushed—like many policies have been moved—it was rushed with little community input. And as a result it left a bad taste in my mouth. Most certainly the rules are the rules. I have raised money at the limits that have been provided to me. And I don’t think I’ve used my officeholder (account) to support candidates. Maybe once. 

I didn’t feel like it was something that the community would walk away with and feel confident about it.

Homelessness is a major issue in Long Beach, as it is in many California cities. You recently voted against exploring the possibility of placing a bond measure on the November ballot that would have raised nearly $300 million for homelessness and affordable housing initiatives. Why did you vote that way?

Well, I think first of all we need to explore as many other options before we go back to the voters to ask for any other revenue or anything else. We need to keep the promises that we’ve set, even previous bonds and taxing initiatives, before we go back to develop the credibility with the voters. I will just mention again, I think that there are resources in Sacramento, a $7 billion surplus from FY 2019, with a $20+ billion rainy day fund. There’s monies and funds in Sacramento that can be used and infused as a stimulus to local governments to help with our bridge (housing), as well as affordable housing development.

So you believe that there are other sources of revenue that the city could get?

You know, I think we need to look at those other sources and other opportunities before we go in that direction.

Don’t you have to go to Sacramento with something to offer? Don’t you have to leverage city resources to get something from the state?

Exactly. We need to have a plan. We have to have a plan. And it’s also a part of the reason why Councilmember (Rex) Richardson’s item that came before council was a little bit short-sighted as well. Okay, listen, staff offered to do a plan. Staff should be doing a plan anyway. They should be working on a plan anyway. We asked them to do that in 2017. And we put aside monies in our budget in 2018 to make it happen. So, look at the plan.

Do understand also, it’s a major decision that we’re making and we don’t even have a permanent city manager. Right. There’s a lot of holes here.

There is growing consensus among urban planning experts that exclusionary zoning, that is areas that only allow for single-family homes, will need to be upzoned in order to deal with the housing crisis, not to mention the climate crisis. The Long Beach City Council positioned itself against SB 50, which would override local zoning laws to allow more mid-rise apartment buildings. You, along with Councilmember Stacy Mungo, wrote an op-ed opposing this legislation. Can you explain your position? Following the interview, SB 50 was shelved by the state legislature. The bill’s author, Sen. Scott Weiner (D-San Francisco) has committed to bringing it back in another form. 

Well, very simply, I was chair of the State Legislation Committee at the time. I’ve heard from many of my constituents, but not only my constituents; several cities, most cities in California, were opposed to this. We certainly, and I certainly, support building more affordable housing and housing in the City of Long Beach. I recognize the need to do so. And that’s why I took the position that I did with our Land Use Element and upzoned much in my district to make accommodations for that in the future.

But at the same time, SB 50 was, I believe, a draconian reach that did not recognize the local government’s ability to zone effectively. A one-size-fits-all approach from Sacramento is really not the best way to address housing needs in California. Each individual city has their unique character and history, architectural preferences, and needs. Long Beach is different from San Francisco, is different from San Diego. It’s different from Oakland. Our cities were not all built at the same time. Our infrastructure in our cities is not all the same. And so there’s a lot more consideration to be given to how we plan out housing in the City of Long Beach and throughout the state, and so I don’t think SB 50 is the answer. I do expect to see, you know, aggressive direction from Sacramento. And I want Long Beach to be a part of that conversation. I have no doubt that we will be. But SB 50 was just a bad bill. I think we took the right position. And I think the legislature took the right position.

So would you say that upzoning needs to be part of the solution to deal with the housing crisis?

We’ve done it. 

Like much of the state, Long Beach is in a housing crisis. Vacancy is at 3.8%. Rents have risen 28% citywide in the past decade, with neighborhoods like this Bixby Knolls, seeing some of the sharpest increases. One solution being deliberated upon is inclusionary zoning. But a city study on inclusionary zoning published last year, says that the policy will only be able to meet a “small portion” of affordable housing needs. So first off, what are your thoughts on inclusionary zoning?

I think inclusionary zoning can be a tool along with accessory dwelling units. We moved that policy, and I was involved in bringing that forward as a solution. Again, I think we need to use every tool in the toolbox to deal with affordability and our housing stock in the City of Long Beach. And so it’s something that I’m definitely interested in looking at when it comes to the counsel. You know, I think we’ll get some place. Some sort of inclusionary zoning. I certainly hope that we will, but the devil is always in the details.

This is an issue that will be debated, and it will come to the council. I want to see what our staff report actually has, what they’re coming back with, what the recommendations are on. At that point, I will do my research and take a firm position or a better position.

One program some housing advocates have called for to combat the housing crisis is the creation of public rental housing registries, which would collect data on rent levels and evictions. AB 724 would have created such a program on the state level but failed to reach a full assembly vote last year. The author Assemblymember Buffy Wicks said that would have helped “decision makers better gauge displacement risk and potentially identify landlords who engage in illegal evictions.” Santa Cruz is currently debating the creation of a citywide registry. What are your thoughts on this type of program? And would you be open to one in Long Beach?

I think we should allow the policies for tenant protections that were established within the last year to see how they work in terms of mitigating rising rents and providing better housing security for tenants. I think you run the risk oftentimes with trying to over-legislate issues when sometimes we haven’t allowed the legislation that we brought before to work to evaluate whether or not it’s been successful. So, I want to watch and take a careful approach to any further issues that are going to affect rental housing at this point. I want to see and evaluate how the most recent legislation is impacting it and then take a look.

I want to examine the process. I’ll be very clear with you. When I got elected in 2012, we had a foreclosure issue here in the city of Long Beach. We created a foreclosure registry, because we had so many foreclosures that were blighted properties in our neighborhoods. Yeah. I’ve seen the pendulum shift, I expect it to continue to shift one direction or another. There’s no permanent solution to these issues, the economy, the market can change on a dime. And I want to be mindful of that.

In recent years, the Long Beach Police Department Police Department has drawn criticism for transparency. This publication was first to report on the destruction of police misconduct records that shortly before a state law went into effect that would have made those records public. It was also reported that the department was using a self-deleting messaging app possibly preventing those communications from being discoverable in criminal or civil proceedings. The department has denied that was the intent of using the app but did suspend its use. Does the Long Beach Police Department have a transparency problem?

I think the police department, particularly under Chief (Robert) Luna, has been very transparent and it has worked to become even more transparent. I’ll be very clear on that. They’ve responded to the concerns of the council, as well as the community. There’s certain things that can’t be so transparent, even law enforcement, and I think that it should be a given based on the type of work that they do: surveillance as well as investigative work. There’s certain things that just can’t be transparent. And that’s what I meant by that. There’s certainly intelligence that comes with law enforcement that should be confidential, based on the type of work that is being performed to promote safety in our community. 

So back then I said, to the extent we can be transparent we should be. We are being more transparent. I think the more we do to educate and inform the public about what’s in the mindset of an officer when they make a decision, for better or for worse, I think we will be better off the more informed (we are) as a community.

Are there any transparency measures that you think should be thought about or considered, or anything that’s on your radar?

I think the City Council’s commitment and my commitment to funding body-worn cameras goes a long way to promote transparency and public confidence in officers. It’s going to make officers safer. It’s going to take the questions away from the decision-making that they make. But it’s also going to enlighten the public on the work that they’re doing and the interactions that they have. That is something that I’m very proud that we were able to get to, something that I promoted and advocated for for several years. And we’re finally able to get that funded in this last budget. It started with a pilot here in North Division in North Long Beach. It’s worked out, I think it’s going to work out well for improving transparency in law enforcement in Long Beach.

What kind of music do you listen to?

I listen to all music.

I’m guilty of growing up in the hip-hop era. I remember the very first (hip hop radio hit) Sugar Hill Gang, Rapper’s Delight. And I could probably name every hip-hop song of the ’80s and the ’90s. 

I was a breakdancer, a pop locker back in the day. So, yeah, I’m an old school hip-hop head. But I love jazz, I play saxophone. I love jazz. Love the blues.

[1] Militarily demobilized. Since WWII—which was both the death knell of European colonial empires as well as the starting shot of the American neocolonial era—Europe has had notoriously scant standing armies, and has been able to consistently slash government military spending domestically and as a percentage of their contributions to international diplomatic bodies such as the UN. This is because nowadays European nations very rarely find themselves in situations where they need to independently send their militaries abroad in order to secure trade routes, foreign resources, or privileges within markets overseas; the U.S. has been fulfilling that hard-power obligation for them for over half a century. The social results of Western Europe’s decreased militarization are striking, especially when contrasted with the U.S.: there is not a single country in Western Europe without universal healthcare, labor rights and welfare systems are strong, value is placed on corporate and financial regulation, environmental policy is lightyears ahead, and, not least of all, there is a robust governmental approach to curbing digital surveillance and reining in tech monopolies. Japan enjoys a similar arrangement with the U.S. in which it, too, is militarily demobilized yet is given full access to, and prominence in, the global economy. In the last decade there has been a reversing trend of remilitarization in some of these nations. That trend was hastened during the last four years as a result of Trump’s ultranationalist politics, but is likely to continue even after his departure in large part due to the growing bipolar geopolitical climate of competition between superpowers.

The “owner” bit of home-“owner” appears in scare quotes throughout the text for reasons that will shortly become apparent.

Nothing signals trouble quite like consensus.

More on them later.

And, anyways, what exactly remains “obvious” in an era “post-truth”?

I take as my starting position that even the “obvious” must be won.

It’s like Lenin said, you know…

Whether directly, or through a chain of investments, or through the wider speculative market in real estate.

I use “banks” in this piece as a stand-in for several sources of income that derive partly through the mortgaging of property and/or investment in institutions that have the power to mortgage property.

That is just its “ideology.”

The Ricardian “law of rent” explains that any location with an advantage over another location, can accrue an economic value, called “rent,” to the owner.

This happens without the owner needing to pitch in to create the advantage.

If the owner does pitch in, then the value accrued from that advantage cannot be called “rent.”

“Rent,” in economic terms, is only, precisely, the value accrued from that portion of the advantage for which the owner is not responsible. That is what we mean when we say, “Rent is theft.”

This does not mean places with lower property taxes ipso facto have higher property prices—and that is because the property tax is only one of the contributing factors. You could have zero taxes on land in Antarctica, for instance, and it would still sell for $0. This is why the introduction to the analogy controls for such variables.

This is the logical conclusion of believing two premises:

(1) All humans have an equal right to the Earth.
(2) Vaginal birth is a lottery system

Prop 13 is rent control for home-“owners.” You can learn more about its history and impact here.

“Hamlet” by William Shakespeare. Act 4, Scene 5

This is why the lobbyists who spend the most money to support the mortgage interest deduction are bankers, mortgagers, and realtors.

Term

Definition