Long Beach City Council Dismisses Public Demand to Curb Surveillance Network Expansion

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The Long Beach City Council on Tuesday unanimously approved the police department’s request for a $1.2 million expansion of automatic license plate readers (ALPR), despite demands from dozens of residents and community organizers to ban the use of this mass surveillance technology.

A spokesperson for the LBPD said the department plans to expand their surveillance network by purchasing 34 vehicle-mounted ALPR camera systems for patrol cars, four trailers with ALPR camera systems and four trailer-lifting kits. The last time the city purchased these devices was in 2020, when the council approved 17 ALPRs for the Parking Enforcement Division with a price tag of nearly $400,000.

ALPRs are a system of cameras mounted to law enforcement vehicles and street poles that scan the license plates of passing cars. This technology allows police to quickly amass and store vast amounts of information about residents’ travel patterns and other intimate details of their lives. In 2019 alone, the Beachcomber reported that the LBPD scanned over 24 million plates—that’s about 68,000 scans a day.

Those who came to the council chambers to provide public comment implored lawmakers to take seriously the potential for further police misuse of an expanding surveillance network with a history of racial bias and civil rights violations; there were no public comments in support of approving the purchase. In fact, the risk of police misuse of these devices led to the city’s own Equity and Humans Relations Commission (EHRC) recommending a ban on the use of ALPRs.

In defense of this controversial decision, District Eight Councilmember Al Austin said Long Beach has “a problem with crime,” and insisted that ALPRs help solve them. Austin went on to imply that resisting police surveillance is a futile act.

“We’re always being tracked,” Austin said as he held up his cell phone. “You can’t commit a crime and get away with it without some form of technology catching up with you.”

However, according to police records obtained by attorney Greg Buhl, who runs local police transparency website CheckLBPD.org, 99.93% of the license plate data collected that year was on law-abiding drivers. These figures seriously challenge the validity of the idea that Long Beach’s privacy is a small price to pay for the crime-fighting benefits of using ALPRs, especially considering the risks it poses to immigrant communities and the LBPD’s history of misuse.  

Sixth District Councilmember Suely Saro notably did not actively participate in council deliberation before voting in favor of expanding the police surveillance network in Long Beach. Saro told FORTHE in 2020, when a candidate for City Council, that “surveillance is antithetical to a free society, and we should be very skeptical of attempts to implement mass surveillance schemes. Our default position on these technologies should be that they should not be used.”

In an attempt to assuage the concerns raised by community members about a lack of police accountability and oversight, Austin and other city officials candidly acknowledged the need to protect the civil liberties of Long Beach residents by ensuring proper checks on police power. Austin applauded the City Council for taking “progressive steps to reform our civilian oversight policies” saying that he thinks they are “headed in the right direction.”

After the Movement for Black Lives in 2020 put pressure on municipalities to increase police oversight, the city’s Racial Reconciliation and Equity Initiative tasked city staff with reforming of the Citizen Police Complaint Commission (CPCC)—the chartered commission that is ostensibly responsible for providing “independent, impartial, and objective civilian oversight” of the police department. Consultants from Polis Solutions & Change-Integration were awarded a contract to provide the city with advice on how to improve the Commission’s ability to hold police responsible for their actions. In their evaluation, they said prior to instituting any new policies, the Commission did not “meet the City’s or the community’s calls for increased transparency, accountability, and input on addressing broader organizational culture issues within the Long Beach Police Department.”

However, even after attempts to move toward creating a more efficacious oversight body, Ninth District CPCC Commissioner Brent Walmsley said the mechanisms for increased accountability remained unclear. In a public hearing in December 2021, moments before the CPCC officially approved the consultants’ recommendations, he raised concerns about the persistent problem of the opaque nature of LBPD’s Internal Affairs division and the Human Resources policies that constrain the Commission’s ability to get complete information for their investigations.  

“People look at us and say ‘you’re holding the police accountable,’  but then from what I’ve seen, it very rarely happens,” he said.  I’ve been on this [commission] for a year and just about every time, the City Manager has overridden what we’ve recommended…so I mean I feel like Sisyphus rolling a rock up a hill.”

Despite looming concerns about the result of the City Council’s vote to approve the purchase of more surveillance gear, Long Beach Immigrant Rights Coalition Senior Organizer Jamilet Ochoa acknowledged the growing momentum of the anti-surveillance movement in Long Beach.

“The Anti-Surveillance Coalition started with only five people showing up to City Council meetings. Shit, it was one person before [that]. But we’re here. There’s 23 of us that made a public comment today,” Ochoa said. “We’re gonna keep coming back, asking questions, demanding that this surveillance technology is banned. Not reformed, we want it gone. We want it out of our city.”

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[1] Militarily demobilized. Since WWII—which was both the death knell of European colonial empires as well as the starting shot of the American neocolonial era—Europe has had notoriously scant standing armies, and has been able to consistently slash government military spending domestically and as a percentage of their contributions to international diplomatic bodies such as the UN. This is because nowadays European nations very rarely find themselves in situations where they need to independently send their militaries abroad in order to secure trade routes, foreign resources, or privileges within markets overseas; the U.S. has been fulfilling that hard-power obligation for them for over half a century. The social results of Western Europe’s decreased militarization are striking, especially when contrasted with the U.S.: there is not a single country in Western Europe without universal healthcare, labor rights and welfare systems are strong, value is placed on corporate and financial regulation, environmental policy is lightyears ahead, and, not least of all, there is a robust governmental approach to curbing digital surveillance and reining in tech monopolies. Japan enjoys a similar arrangement with the U.S. in which it, too, is militarily demobilized yet is given full access to, and prominence in, the global economy. In the last decade there has been a reversing trend of remilitarization in some of these nations. That trend was hastened during the last four years as a result of Trump’s ultranationalist politics, but is likely to continue even after his departure in large part due to the growing bipolar geopolitical climate of competition between superpowers.

The “owner” bit of home-“owner” appears in scare quotes throughout the text for reasons that will shortly become apparent.

Nothing signals trouble quite like consensus.

More on them later.

And, anyways, what exactly remains “obvious” in an era “post-truth”?

I take as my starting position that even the “obvious” must be won.

It’s like Lenin said, you know…

Whether directly, or through a chain of investments, or through the wider speculative market in real estate.

I use “banks” in this piece as a stand-in for several sources of income that derive partly through the mortgaging of property and/or investment in institutions that have the power to mortgage property.

That is just its “ideology.”

The Ricardian “law of rent” explains that any location with an advantage over another location, can accrue an economic value, called “rent,” to the owner.

This happens without the owner needing to pitch in to create the advantage.

If the owner does pitch in, then the value accrued from that advantage cannot be called “rent.”

“Rent,” in economic terms, is only, precisely, the value accrued from that portion of the advantage for which the owner is not responsible. That is what we mean when we say, “Rent is theft.”

This does not mean places with lower property taxes ipso facto have higher property prices—and that is because the property tax is only one of the contributing factors. You could have zero taxes on land in Antarctica, for instance, and it would still sell for $0. This is why the introduction to the analogy controls for such variables.

This is the logical conclusion of believing two premises:

(1) All humans have an equal right to the Earth.
(2) Vaginal birth is a lottery system

Prop 13 is rent control for home-“owners.” You can learn more about its history and impact here.

“Hamlet” by William Shakespeare. Act 4, Scene 5

This is why the lobbyists who spend the most money to support the mortgage interest deduction are bankers, mortgagers, and realtors.

Term

Definition