Tenants at Two Buildings Organize to Remain in Their Homes During Pandemic, End Landlord Harassment

6 minute read

Like many across the nation, tenants at two buildings in Long Beach have been struggling with job loss, quarantine, and the anxiety of contracting COVID-19. But for months, they’ve also been dealing with fears of losing the homes many of them have lived in for years.

Tenants at 436 Daisy Ave. and 1454 Orange Ave. say they’ve been harassed by their landlord, Bradley Johnson, and threatened with rent increases. Additionally, tenants at the Daisy Avenue building were recently served with a 60-day notice to vacate their units, with permits attached outlining repairs to the building, a requirement for evicting tenants the City Council imposed during the crisis.

The repairs Johnson listed on the notices include installing new cabinets and fixtures in the units’ bathrooms and kitchens.

“My youngest son was the first one to see the paper he (Johnson) left,” said Oscar Valencia, referring to the 60-day notice. “… And even though he’s a kid, he worries too.”

Like most tenants at both buildings, Valencia is a Spanish speaker who does not speak English. He had portions of the notice explained to him by his children. Similarly, Porfirio De La Rosa had his brother’s children explain the notice to him.

“We didn’t know exactly what it said, which made it have a greater impact on us,” Porfirio said in Spanish. “You feel it even more. It stresses one out.”

Documents filed with the Secretary of State list Johnson as the manager or member of the two LLCs that separately own the buildings, each named after the respective property’s address. Tenants at both buildings claim that Johnson has not provided leases in Spanish, their preferred language, despite them requesting he do so.

As of publication time, Johnson has not responded to an email requesting an interview.

Aurelia Ortega, who lives at the Orange Avenue building, claims one of Johnson’s workers translated and told her of a rent increase when explaining a contract the landlord wanted her to sign. But she said the man did not mention the new security deposit, which she learned of by talking to her neighbors.

Meanwhile, Silvia De La Rosa said that Johnson has, on multiple occasions, woken up her son to translate for him. According to Silvia, he stopped doing so in September because her son is busy with school.

“Since I don’t know English, he’d enter my son’s room to wake him up so he could tell me what he wanted,” Silvia said. “And my son would say to me ‘What is with him, why does he always wake me up?’ And after that I wouldn’t open the door for him anymore.”

Silvia, who was employed cleaning offices, has been unable to work due to the pandemic and an injury. She said she was threatened with a $600 rent increase in July by Johnson, which would have upped her monthly payment from $900 to $1,500. But because Silvia has refused to sign a new lease with Johnson, she has continued to pay her original rent, but uncertainty still looms over the residents.

“He says he has to displace us,” Silvia said. “One feels pressured, stressed, and thinks ‘What will he do to us?’ Because all he does is harass us.”

The rent increases vary by tenant and building, but are higher than the state’s tenant protection law allows. Aurelia Ortega, who lives at the Orange Avenue building, said she was told her rent would increase from $1,250 to $1,750. Her neighbor, Sendi Quintana, said hers would be increasing from $1,295 to $1,750.

“The anxiety I get when he (Johnson) comes is too much,” Quintana said in Spanish.

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She said her unit has mold in the bathroom and bedroom, which she expects to worsen when it rains. Though a crew sent by Johnson did make some repairs, Quintana and other tenants in her building say they continue to live in discomfort due to cockroaches, rats, and having their building’s security doors removed.

The tenants also allege that the crew who made the repairs, as well as Johnson himself, have not worn masks when working around them or entering their units. Tenant Rosa Villaseñor claimed she was mocked after pointing this out to the man in charge of the repair crew.

“I believe he told the workers, and the workers would laugh at me,” Villaseñor said in Spanish. “They’d say ‘Here comes the coronavirus lady’ or ‘Put on the masks’ as they passed by coughing.”

Silvia also said they didn’t use masks at her building, which made her family uncomfortable.

“[Johnson] would come and bring them donuts, and they’d be drinking their coffee inside. And they never used masks,” Silvia said. “My son would worry because he doesn’t go out. My son would be in his class in a room and tell me ‘Mom, if it’s possible don’t go out because they don’t use masks.’”

Villaseñor said they were treated “like animals” and she had to take medicine due to the stress these events caused her.  

“They made us feel like we didn’t matter to them,” Villaseñor said.

Organizers with the Long Beach Tenants Union, who have been helping the tenants, hope that an anti-harassment ordinance will help ease the tenants’ worries and hold their landlord accountable.

“It would give them a right of action and the policy itself would serve as a deterrent from landlords actually committing harassment,” said Andrew Mandujano, an organizer with the Long Beach Tenants Union.

The anti-harassment ordinance will be discussed at Tuesday’s City Council meeting, and voted on at the next meeting. Agendized by Vice Mayor Dee Andrews (CD-6), the ordinance outlines 13 actions that could result in a landlord being served with a civil proceeding by a tenant.

Violations listed in the policy include failing to perform timely repairs required by law or a rental agreement, and communicating with tenants in a language that isn’t their primary language, to intimidate or deceive the tenant.

“If you want tenants to feel like they are being heard, like their experiences are validated, and they can fight against abuse and violence in their communities, this is a representation of that,” said Maria Lopez, director of community organizing for Housing Long Beach.

The tenants also say they want rent increases to follow the law, and they hope they’ll be able to stay in their homes along with the neighbors they’ve come to know and bond with.

“We see each other like family,” Ortega said. “We take care of each other. It’s a trust that is familial, which makes it really difficult for us to follow his way [and relocate].”

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[1] Militarily demobilized. Since WWII—which was both the death knell of European colonial empires as well as the starting shot of the American neocolonial era—Europe has had notoriously scant standing armies, and has been able to consistently slash government military spending domestically and as a percentage of their contributions to international diplomatic bodies such as the UN. This is because nowadays European nations very rarely find themselves in situations where they need to independently send their militaries abroad in order to secure trade routes, foreign resources, or privileges within markets overseas; the U.S. has been fulfilling that hard-power obligation for them for over half a century. The social results of Western Europe’s decreased militarization are striking, especially when contrasted with the U.S.: there is not a single country in Western Europe without universal healthcare, labor rights and welfare systems are strong, value is placed on corporate and financial regulation, environmental policy is lightyears ahead, and, not least of all, there is a robust governmental approach to curbing digital surveillance and reining in tech monopolies. Japan enjoys a similar arrangement with the U.S. in which it, too, is militarily demobilized yet is given full access to, and prominence in, the global economy. In the last decade there has been a reversing trend of remilitarization in some of these nations. That trend was hastened during the last four years as a result of Trump’s ultranationalist politics, but is likely to continue even after his departure in large part due to the growing bipolar geopolitical climate of competition between superpowers.

The “owner” bit of home-“owner” appears in scare quotes throughout the text for reasons that will shortly become apparent.

Nothing signals trouble quite like consensus.

More on them later.

And, anyways, what exactly remains “obvious” in an era “post-truth”?

I take as my starting position that even the “obvious” must be won.

It’s like Lenin said, you know…

Whether directly, or through a chain of investments, or through the wider speculative market in real estate.

I use “banks” in this piece as a stand-in for several sources of income that derive partly through the mortgaging of property and/or investment in institutions that have the power to mortgage property.

That is just its “ideology.”

The Ricardian “law of rent” explains that any location with an advantage over another location, can accrue an economic value, called “rent,” to the owner.

This happens without the owner needing to pitch in to create the advantage.

If the owner does pitch in, then the value accrued from that advantage cannot be called “rent.”

“Rent,” in economic terms, is only, precisely, the value accrued from that portion of the advantage for which the owner is not responsible. That is what we mean when we say, “Rent is theft.”

This does not mean places with lower property taxes ipso facto have higher property prices—and that is because the property tax is only one of the contributing factors. You could have zero taxes on land in Antarctica, for instance, and it would still sell for $0. This is why the introduction to the analogy controls for such variables.

This is the logical conclusion of believing two premises:

(1) All humans have an equal right to the Earth.
(2) Vaginal birth is a lottery system

Prop 13 is rent control for home-“owners.” You can learn more about its history and impact here.

“Hamlet” by William Shakespeare. Act 4, Scene 5

This is why the lobbyists who spend the most money to support the mortgage interest deduction are bankers, mortgagers, and realtors.

Term

Definition